{"id":94798,"date":"2026-09-10T08:45:57","date_gmt":"2026-09-10T13:45:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.crescentcityjewishnews.com\/blog\/?p=94798"},"modified":"2026-09-10T08:45:57","modified_gmt":"2026-09-10T13:45:57","slug":"why-political-novice-gadi-eisenkot-may-unseat-benjamin-netanyahu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.crescentcityjewishnews.com\/blog\/why-political-novice-gadi-eisenkot-may-unseat-benjamin-netanyahu\/","title":{"rendered":"Why political novice Gadi Eisenkot may unseat Benjamin Netanyahu"},"content":{"rendered":"

By ELIAV BREUER<\/p>\n

(JTA) \u2014 If you believe the polls, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu \u2013 Israel\u2019s dominant political player and media maestro for the past decade and a half \u2013 is poised to lose to a political neophyte with relatively limited communications skills and a nondescript platform. <\/p>\n

How is that possible?<\/p>\n

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Gadi Eisenkot, leader of the Yashar party, pauses thoughtfully at the lectern while speaking during the launch of the party’s candidate list ahead of October’s general election in Rosh HaAyin, Israel, Sept. 7, 2026. (Erik Marmor\/Getty Images)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

The rise of the potential usurper, former Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot, is remarkable. He only formed his party, Yashar! (Hebrew for \u201cstraight\u201d or \u201chonest\u201d), less than a year ago, in September 2025. He lacks the political resume of many of his rivals within the opposition. He served as a Member of Knesset for just three years in Benny Gantz\u2019s National Unity party and for just eight months in Netanyahu\u2019s war cabinet. <\/p>\n

His party platform also doesn\u2019t stand out \u2013 it positions itself somewhere in the political center, with its stated goals neither distinct nor specific: \u201cseeking truth, rehabilitating Israeli society after the war and strengthening the country in the long-term.\u201d<\/p>\n

What\u2019s more, in a move designed to curb Eisenkot\u2019s rise and end his bid to become prime minister, his main opposition rivals \u2013 former Prime Ministers Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid \u2013 merged their parties in April to create a new center-right political juggernaut. In doing so, Bennett seemed poised to take over as the sole candidate who could beat Netanyahu. <\/p>\n

But four months later, Eisenkot\u2019s party is consistently receiving 22 to 24 (out of the 120 that comprise the Knesset) in polls, while Bennett and Lapid\u2019s party, Beyachad (Hebrew for \u201ctogether\u201d), is lagging far behind at 13 to 15 seats. In contrast, Netanyahu\u2019s Likud garners about 21 to 23 seats in current polls.<\/p>\n

Even more remarkably, Eisenkot has made inroads in far-flung areas of Israel previously considered Likud strongholds, such as Dimona in the south and Kiryat Shmona in the north. The Likud campaign itself is telling \u2013 in recent months its social media accounts and spokespeople have focused their criticism almost entirely on Eisenkot. The attention to the political newcomer suggests that they view him as the ultimate threat to Netanyahu\u2019s reign, which he has maintained for 16 of the last 17 years. <\/p>\n

Short, overweight and unassuming, Eisenkot is the un-Bibi<\/strong><\/p>\n

Many attribute Eisenkot\u2019s rise to his personality and style. He is, in many ways, the exact opposite of the polished and urbane Netanyahu, who is currently facing charges of corruption. At 66, Eisenkot is short and overweight, often attending events in a simple black T-shirt and jeans, and lacks the theatrical flourish of some of his competitors. He has a broad, unassuming smile and likes to talk about his grandchildren.<\/p>\n

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Gadi Eisenkot, leader of the Yashar party and a former IDF chief of staff, speaks during an election campaign rally in Nordiya, Israel, Aug. 31, 2026. (Gili Yaari\/NurPhoto via Getty Images)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

Then there\u2019s his personal and professional background. Eisenkot would be the first Mizrahi prime minister. He is the son of immigrants from Morocco and grew up in Israel\u2019s geographical periphery, in Tiberias along the Sea of Galilee and Eilat on the Red Sea. He rose through the ranks of the Golani crack infantry Brigade, which is associated with blue-collar and hardworking Israelis, until reaching the pinnacle of the Israeli military hierarchy. <\/p>\n

As a general, he gained respect for his meticulous attention to detail and his ability to think outside the box. Then his youngest son, Gal, was killed in combat in the Gaza Strip in December 2023 during a mission to extract the bodies of some of the Israeli hostages. The loss of his son, as well as two nephews, in the Gaza war has made him the symbol of Israeli sacrifice in the ongoing conflict at a time when Netanyahu\u2019s sons haven\u2019t even participated in the war.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe Israeli public recognizes in Gadi the honesty and humility that it wants to see in its politicians in the State of Israel, which for a long time has not seen this leadership profile,\u201d said Inbar Harush-Giti, a member of Yashar! and a long-time advocate for the integration of ultra-Orthodox Israelis into broader society. <\/p>\n

\u201cGadi is also someone who talks to people at eye-level, people relate to him. They create a deep emotional connection with him,\u201d she told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. \u201cOf course, there is his personal story of someone who paid the highest price, and therefore it is hard not to see in him the essence of fighting, Zionist, patriotic Israeliness.\u201d <\/p>\n

She added that another factor in Eisenkot\u2019s appeal is his Jewish identity: \u201cGadi defines himself as traditional, as do I, and this also gives a lot of space for people for whom Judaism or Jewish identity is important.\u201d The term \u201ctraditional\u201d is generally applied in Israel to Jews, primarily Mizrahi, who embrace certain forms of Orthodox practice as well as many aspects of secular life. Traditional Jews are extremely common among the Israeli electorate but often marginalized in political debates that draw battle lines between the religious and secular sectors.<\/p>\n

But it hasn\u2019t just been Eisenkot\u2019s personal traits and story that have attracted voters; it\u2019s how they have been channeled into his political endeavors and those of his party, maintained Harush-Giti. In other words, Eisenkot\u2019s simplicity and humility are not just remnants of a long-forgotten type of Israeli politician but reflect attitudes towards governance that were prevalent in Israel\u2019s early years.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe believe deeply in David Ben-Gurion\u2019s approach of mamlachtiyut,\u201d Harush-Giti said, defining the term as \u201cthe general good takes priority over the good of one specific group.\u201d Harush-Giti said it was no coincidence that during the period between his discharge from the IDF in 2019 and his entry into politics in 2022, Eisenkot served as chairman for organizations that commemorate Ben-Gurion. <\/p>\n

A usurper rises just when Israelis are yearning for something new.<\/strong><\/p>\n

But Moshe Klughaft, a former advisor to Netanyahu and Bennett, attributed Eisenkot\u2019s polling achievements more to his timing than his persona or platform.<\/p>\n

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Then-IDF chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot participates in the March of the Living at the Auschwitz-Birkenau camp site in Poland, as Israel marks annual Holocaust Memorial Day, April 24, 2017. (Yossi Zeliger\/Flash90)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\u201cGadi Eisenkot\u2019s success in polls stems from the public yearning for something new, and he is the opposition\u2019s newest leader,\u201d Klughaft wrote to JTA in response to a series of written questions. He described \u201ca desperate desire for someone coming from the outside\u201d as \u201ca significant component for voters.\u201d <\/p>\n

Klughaft pointed out that a number of opposition party leaders during the current government\u2019s tenure have been either replaced, like Labor Chair Merav Michaeli, or have lost significant support, like Lapid and former Defense Minister Benny Gantz.  <\/p>\n

A second reason for Eisenkot\u2019s success lies with weaknesses in Bennett\u2019s campaign, Klughaft added. \u201cBennett\u2019s strategy that \u2018only a right-wing [candidate] will defeat Netanyahu\u2019 was rationally correct,\u201d in that a majority of Israelis currently define themselves as right-wing.<\/p>\n

\u201dBut emotionally,\u201d according to Klughaft, \u201cit created negative feelings. Bennett was essentially saying to opposition voters from the center-left \u2013 your opinions are not good enough in order to govern, you must anoint me because I am \u2018right-wing.\u2019 When Gadi came, he said to those same voters, \u2018It\u2019s OK, someone from your camp can also be prime minister,\u2019 and this made Bennett\u2019s entire campaign unnecessary,\u201d Klughaft wrote, referring to the perception that Eisenkot is centrist, even center-left. <\/p>\n

Eisenkot has attempted to tweak this perception, announcing in August that he opposed Palestinian statehood, a position usually associated with the Israeli right. Eisenkot is also known for his hawkish views on the use of force; he often reminds viewers that, as chief of staff, he came up with what he called the \u201cDahya Doctrine,\u201d which called for intense, disproportionate bombardments of enemy strongholds in response to attacks, even if these strongholds are positioned in residential neighborhoods, like the one in south Beirut that gave the doctrine its name.<\/p>\n

Still, Eisenkot\u2019s outspoken liberal values, his emphasis on a strong, centralized public sector and past comments in favor of separation from the Palestinians are some reasons that he is considered a centrist, even a left-leaning one. Another indication of this is the fact that Eisenkot has not ruled out forming a coalition that includes the more moderate of the two Arab parties, Ra\u2019am.<\/p>\n

Another misstep by Bennett, in Klughaft\u2019s view, was his merger with Lapid, with the intent being to form a big enough party to win more seats than Likud and have the first shot at forming a coalition. \u201cSome 40% of Bennett\u2019s original voters opposed Lapid, and the merger simply threw them out of the party. Lapid was essentially Bennett\u2019s worst choice for a merger, yet he chose it,\u201d Klughaft said. <\/p>\n

A willingness to take campaign contributions \u2014 and to hit back hard.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Then there\u2019s Eisenkot\u2019s campaign strategy. Despite his salt-of-the-earth persona, Eisenkot has not shied away from significant campaign contributions from wealthy donors. The Eisenkot campaign has raised some NIS 16 million (about $5.3 million) in large financial guarantees from some of Israel\u2019s wealthiest donors, according to Israel\u2019s State Comptroller. The guarantees function as an interest-free loan. Every party that enters the Knesset receives state funding that is meant to cover campaign expenses, and Eisenkot intends to return the payments after the election. <\/p>\n

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Gadi Eisenkot, leader of the Yashar party, smiles as he wades through a crowd of supporters and media following the candidate slate launch in Rosh HaAyin, Israel\/ Sept. 7. 2026. (Erik Marmor\/Getty Images)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

Funds alone are not enough to secure votes, however, and Eisenkot and his fellow party members have also been working the crowds at campaign events across the country. They\u2019ve held meet-and-greets, town-hall style events and other functions from the aforementioned Likud strongholds in the north to those in the south. <\/p>\n

He\u2019s also shown himself to be adept in the new media space. Eisenkot, whose social media presence up to a year ago began and ended with Facebook, has hired a savvy media team. They\u2019ve made his presence felt on X (formerly Twitter), Instagram and other platforms, while also arranging an array of interviews in both the mainstream media and less conventional outlets such as podcasts. <\/p>\n

Recently, the former IDF chief of staff gave an hour-long interview on a podcast hosted by well-known publicist and comedian Shir Reuven in which he candidly discussed the loss of his son and the ways in which he and his family dealt with the grief and pain. <\/p>\n

But perhaps the biggest surprise from Eisenkot, who does not come across as aggressive, has been his sharp, pointed and powerful criticism of Netanyahu \u2013 arguably more biting and effective than other opponents. <\/p>\n

Rather than post about unity and positivity, as some other opposition members have done, his internet campaign has adopted hardball tactics used by Netanyahu himself, and he has not been afraid to take some heavy swings at the prime minister.<\/p>\n

Over and over, Eisenkot\u2019s social media accounts have posted short videos that begin with snippets of Netanyahu promising to safeguard Israel\u2019s security and then cut to harsh and sometimes even graphic footage from Oct. 7 or other attacks against Israel. Another recurring theme is videos portraying Netanyahu as a liar. <\/p>\n

Eisenkot has also been willing to make claims that skirt the edges of accuracy in order to disparage Netanyahu \u2013 a tactic many accuse the prime minister of routinely using himself. For example, in response to claims by Netanyahu that Eisenkot will recognize a Palestinian state, Eisenkot\u2019s media accounts responded by showing reels of Netanyahu endorsing the two-state solution. The most recent reel, however, is from 2016 \u2013 and Netanyahu has since repeatedly said he will not accept Palestinian statehood, which his policies have reflected. <\/p>\n

There are still red lines that Eisenkot has not crossed, however. He has largely avoided criticizing the prime minister over personal or family matters, even though Netanyahu posted a video, created by artificial intelligence, showing Eisenkot approaching a soldier who looks very similar to his slain son Gal and then turning away from his son\u2019s outstretched arms into the arms of Mansour Abbas, head of one of Israel\u2019s majority-Arab parties. <\/p>\n

The video attempts to push two of Netanyahu\u2019s main points of attack against Eisenkot. First, his contention that Yashar! will need to join with a majority-Arab party or the left-wing Democrats to get enough seats to form a coalition. And second, his claim that Eisenkot was consistently opposed to certain steps in the war against Hamas, such as the invasion of Rafah in the spring of 2024, to show that Eisenkot was not tough enough to prevail over Israel\u2019s enemies. <\/p>\n

Bennett and Lapid, meanwhile, have focused most of their fire on what they claim is Eisenkot\u2019s inexperience in contrast to their long service as ministers and even prime ministers. The two have not made many criticisms about Eisenkot\u2019s stated policies, since the parties have largely similar platforms, but instead have urged Eisenkot to \u201cwait his turn.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Netanyahu campaign\u2019s AI-generated video was widely condemned, but in public Eisenkot shrugged it off. On social media, however, he punched back with full force. There his campaign published an identical video showing Netanyahu approaching a soldier but then turning and hugging ultra-Orthodox United Torah Judaism party chairman Yizhak Goldknopf, who has been pushing the government to exempt ultra-Orthodox men from military service. <\/p>\n

Some analysts have described the former general as a \u201cteddy bear with a spine made of iron.\u201d Whatever the merits of that description, he has shown that despite being a novice, he can play hardball in Israeli politics.<\/p>\n

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