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<\/a><\/p>\nIsraeli President Isaac Herzog formally tasks Yashar party chairman Gadi Eisenkot with forming Israel’s next government during a ceremony at the President’s Residence in Jerusalem, November 8, 2026. (Yonatan Sindel\/Flash90)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
If he fails to do so, then the president can give another Knesset member the opportunity; most likely this will be incumbent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. For his part, Netanyahu, has urged Eisenkot to join him in an emergency national unity government that will keep Israel strong against ongoing threats.<\/p>\n
Eisenkot has responded that the \u201cnational emergency government\u201d he will form will comprise the \u201cfour Zionist parties\u201d of the change bloc \u2013 his own Yashar Party, B\u2019Yachad headed by former prime ministers Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, Avigdor Liberman\u2019s Yisrael Beitenu Party and the Democrats under Yair Golan.<\/p>\n
He also said he would welcome \u201cparties and Knesset members who support Yashar\u2019s four principles\u201d to join the coalition.<\/p>\n
At the President\u2019s Residence in Jerusalem on Sunday, Eisenkot said he would be sending out formal invitations as soon as possible \u201cto every Knesset faction, calling on all their members, both as parties and as individuals, to take part in forming the government and bringing it to its swearing-in. <\/p>\n
\u201cThe rule is simple,\u201d he added. \u201cIf you are prepared to sign on to the four principles I have set out, you are potential partners in a national emergency government under my leadership.\u201d <\/p>\n
Throughout his campaign, and particularly since the Oct. 27 election, Eisenkot has emphasized these four principles as the basis for forming the next government. But what are they exactly? And who, out of the other 11 parties, will be able to accept them and join his coalition?<\/p>\n
1) Recognition of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state.<\/strong><\/p>\n Eisenkot wants to define his coalition as a government that is committed to Israel\u2019s Jewish national identity and to democracy, not simply an alliance united by opposition to Netanyahu.<\/p>\n Any party wanting to join must accept Israel\u2019s identity as the national home of the Jewish people first. The requirement has historically been contentious for Israel\u2019s two Arab parties, who represent 19 Knesset members.<\/p>\n Parties must also accept the country\u2019s democratic institutions, which uphold equality and rights for all citizens and prioritize the rule of law. <\/p>\n This means parties, such as the far-right and the ultra-Orthodox, that, as members of the outgoing government, have been pushing to overhaul the country\u2019s judiciary \u2013 a key institution in Israel\u2019s system of democratic checks and balances \u2013 might think twice about joining.<\/p>\n 2) Acceptance of the values of the Declaration of Independence.<\/strong><\/p>\n Israel\u2019s Declaration of Independence, proclaimed and signed on May 14, 1948, is a foundational document that has helped shape the country\u2019s constitutional principles, although Israel does not have a single, formal written constitution.<\/p>\n In it, the signatories laid out their vision for Israel, including the historical ties the Jewish people have to the land of Israel and its place as a safe haven for Jews around the world who are in trouble.<\/p>\n For Eisenkot, the emphasis appears to be on one particular section that declares: \u201cThe State of Israel will foster the development of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants; it will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its citizens,\u200b\u200b irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; and it will safeguard the Holy Places of all religions; and it will be faithful to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.\u201d<\/p>\n By embracing the Declaration of Independence, Eisenkot is recognizing the place of Israel\u2019s minority groups, highlighting their \u201cfull and equal citizenship.\u201d A point mentioned twice in the declaration.<\/p>\n The declaration also reaffirms that Israel is a country seeking peace, rather than endless conflict, at a time when Netanyahu has recently been criticized over his handling of the country\u2019s wars on multiple fronts.<\/p>\n 3) Mandatory service for all \u2014 military, national, and civilian, to strengthen the IDF and expand its ranks.<\/strong><\/p>\n Including this condition for joining the government is a direct message to the ultra-Orthodox parties, at least one of which is considering supporting Eisenkot\u2019s coalition.<\/p>\n United Torah Judaism, which has been aligned closely with Netanyahu\u2019s bloc for at least the past two decades, on Thursday refused to recommend the prime minister as Israel\u2019s next leader. Instead, the party, which holds seven seats, abstained from recommending any candidate.<\/p>\n Both UTJ and the second ultra-Orthodox party, Shas, have resisted efforts that would include ultra-Orthodox young men studying in yeshiva under a universal draft law requiring all eligible Israelis to perform military service.<\/p>\n Previous exemption laws have expired, and Israel\u2019s Supreme Court has ruled that the state\u2019s blanket exemption of yeshiva students from military service has no legal basis and violates principles of equality before the law.<\/p>\n By including this condition, Eisenkot is telling the ultra-Orthodox \u2013 and even the Arab community, most of whose members are also exempt from mandatory military service \u2013 that everyone in Israel must do their part, whether through military service or some type of national or community service.<\/p>\n This stipulation could either keep the ultra-Orthodox out of the government, even though Eisenkot\u2019s partners have expressed willingness to allow their participation. Or it could force them to be more flexible on an issue that until now they have appeared unrelenting.<\/p>\n 4) Recognition of Hamas as a terrorist organization and commitment to dismantling its military and governing power.<\/strong><\/p>\n Leaders of the two Arab parties, the Islamist Ra\u2019am Party and the more nationalist Joint List, have refused to make this statement out loud.<\/p>\n Ra\u2019am leader Mansour Abbas, who has repeatedly condemned the Oct. 7 attack, has said he does have a clear position on this but refuses to state it publicly for several reasons ranging from concerns about his personal safety to his ties to the Muslim Brotherhood, to which Hamas is also affiliated. He has also questioned why Arab politicians are required to pass loyalty tests that are not applied equally to Jewish politicians.<\/p>\n When President Herzog pressed him on the matter last week, Abbas said: \u201cI have an unequivocal answer, but leave me space to be a bridge. To also influence the other side.\u201d He argued that maintaining channels of communication with Palestinians requires him not to adopt language that would immediately alienate them.<\/p>\n For the Joint List, the continued refusal to call Hamas a terror group appears to reflect the view that Hamas is part of the broader Palestinian political movement. Some of its members argue that labeling it a terrorist organization risks delegitimizing Palestinian political aspirations as a whole.<\/p>\n Members of the 11-member faction have condemned the Oct. 7 massacre, but are unlikely to accept this particular condition because it could be used to justify Israel\u2019s military campaigns in Gaza and the West Bank. Its leaders also want to preserve their credibility among Palestinian voters, many of whom see the conflict through the lens of occupation and Palestinian national rights.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n